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Chapter Seven: Beyond Use Value, by Jean Baudrillard in For a Critique of the Political Economy of the Sign.
by Jean Baudrillard and translated with an introduction by Charles Levin. (Telos Press, St. Louis, MO, 1981). pp [130]-142. [Bibliographic Details] [View Documents] |
The status of use value in Marxian theory is ambiguous. We know
that the commodity is both exchange value and use value. But the
latter is always concrete and particular, contingent on its own
destiny, whether this be in the process of individual consumption or
in the labor process. (In this case, lard is valued as lard, cotton as
cotton: they cannot be substituted for each other, nor thus
"exchanged.") Exchange value, on the other hand, is abstract and
general. To be sure, there could be no exchange value without use
value -- the two are coupled; but neither is strongly implied by the
other: "In order to define the notion of commodity, it is not
important to know its particular content and its exact destination. It
suffices that before it is a commodity -- in other words, the vehicle
(support) of exchange value -- the article satisfy a given social need
by possessing the corresponding useful property. That is all."
[123]
Thus,
use value is not implicated in the logic peculiar to exchange value,
which is a logic of equivalence. Besides, there can be use value
without exchange value (equally for labor power as for products, in
the sphere outside the market). Even if it is continually reclaimed by
the process of production and exchange, use value is never truly
inscribed in the field of the market economy: it has its own finality,
albeit restricted. And within it is contained, from this standpoint,
the promise of a resurgence beyond the market economy, money and
exchange value, in the glorious autonomy of man's simple relation to
his work and his products.
So it appears that commodity fetishism (that is, where social
relations are disguised in the qualities and attributes of the
commodity itself) is not a function of the commodity defined
simultaneously as exchange value and use value, but of exchange
value alone. Use value, in this restrictive analysis of fetishism,
appears neither as a social relation nor hence as the locus of fetishization.
Utility as such escapes the historical determination of class. It
represents an objective, final relation of intrinsic purpose (destination
propre), which does not mask itself and whose transparency,
as form,
defies history (even if its content changes
continually with respect to social and cultural determinations). It is
In effect, our hypothesis is that needs (i. e., the system of needs) are
the equivalent of abstract social labor: on them is erected the system
of use value, just as abstract social labor is the basis for the system of
exchange value. This hypothesis also implies that, for there to be a
system at all, use value and exchange value must be regulated by an
identical abstract logic of equivalence, an identical code. The code
of utility is also a code of abstract equivalence of objects and subjects
(for each category in itself and for the two taken together in their
relation); hence, it is a combinatory code involving potential
calculation (we will return to this point). Furthermore, it is in itself,
as system, that use value can be "fetishized," and certainly not as a
practical operation. It is always the systematic abstraction that is
fetishized. The same goes for exchange value. And it is the two
fetishizations, reunited -- that of use value and that of exchange
value -- that constitute commodity fetishism.
Marx defines the form of exchange value and of the commodity by
the fact that they can be equated on the basis of abstract social labor.
Inversely, he posits the "incomparability" of use values. Now, it must
be seen that:
1. For there to be economic exchange and exchange value, it is
also necessary that the principle of utility has already become the
reality principle of the object or product. To be abstractly and
generally exchangeable, products must also be thought and rationalized
in terms of utility. Where they are not (as in primitive symbolic
exchange), they can have no exchange value. The reduction to the
status of utility is the basis of (economic) exchangeability.
2. If the exchange principle and the utility principle have such an
affinity (and do not merely coexist in the commodity), it is because
utility is already entirely infused with the logic of equivalence,
contrary to what Marx says about the "incomparability" of use
values. If use value is not quantitative in the strictly arithmetical
sense, it still involves equivalence. Considered as useful values, all
3. What is involved here, then, is an object form whose general
equivalent is utility. And this is no mere "analogy" with the formulas
of exchange value. The same logical form is involved. Every object is
translatable into the general abstract code of equivalence, which is
its rationale, its objective law, its meaning -- and this is achieved
independently of who makes use of it and what purpose it serves. It is
functionality which supports it and carries it along as code; and this
code, founded on the mere adequation of an object to its (useful)
end, subordinates all real or potential objects to itself, without taking
any one into account at all. Here, the economic is born: the
economic calculus. The commodity form is only its developed form,
and returns to it continually.
4. Now, contrary to the anthropological illusion that claims to
exhaust the idea of utility in the simple relation of a human need to a
useful property of the object, use value is very much a social relation.
Just as, in terms of exchange value, the producer does not appear as a
creator, but as abstract social labor power, so in the system of use
value, the consumer never appears as desire and enjoyment, but as
abstract social need power (one could say Bedürfniskraft, Bedüfnisvermögen,
by analogy with Arbeîitskraft, Arbeitsvermögen).
The abstract social producer is man conceived in terms of
exchange value. The abstract social individual (the person with
"needs") is man thought of in terms of use value. There is a homology
between the "emancipation" in the bourgeois era of the private
individual given final form by his needs and the functional
emancipation of objects as use values. This results from an objective
rationalization, the surpassing of old ritual and symbolic constraints.
In a radically different type of exchange, objects did not have the
status of "objectivity" that we give them at all. But henceforward
secularized, functionalized and rationalized in purpose, objects
become the promise of an ideal (and idealist) political economy, with
its watchword "to each according to his needs."
At the same time, the individual, now disengaged from all
Utility, needs, use value: none of this ever comes to grips with the
finality of a subject up against his ambivalent object relations, or
with symbolic exchange between subjects. Rather, it describes the
relation of the individual to himself conceived in economic terms --
better still, the relation of the subject to the economic system. Far
from the individual expressing his needs in the economic system, it is
the economic system that induces the individual function and the
parallel functionality of objects and needs.
[124]
The individual is an
ideological structure, a historical form correlative with the
commodity form (exchange value), and the object form (use value).
The individual is nothing but the subject thought in economic terms,
rethought, simplified, and abstracted by the economy. The entire
history of consciousness and ethics (all the categories of occidental
psycho-metaphysics) is only the history of the political economy of
the subject.
Use value is the expression of a whole metaphysic: that of utility. It
registers itself as a kind of moral law at the heart of the object --
and it is inscribed there as the finality of the "need" of the subject. It
is the transcription at the heart of things of the same moral law
(Kantian and Christian) inscribed on the heart of the subject,
positivizing it in its essence and instituting it in a final relation (with
God, or to some transcendent reality). In both cases, the circulation
of value is regulated by a providential code that watches over the
correlation of the object with the needs of the subject, under the
rubric of functionality -- as it assures, incidentally, the coincidence
of the subject with divine law, under the sign of morality.
This is the same teleology that seals the essence of the subject (his
self-identity through the recognition of this transcendent finality). It
establishes the object in its truth, as an essence called use value,
transparent to itself and to the subject, under the rational banner of
utility. And this moral law effects the same fundamental reduction of
all the symbolic virtualities of the subject and the object. A simple
1. It establishes the object in a functional equivalence to itself in
the single framework of this determined valence: utility. This
absolute signification, this rationalization by identity (its equivalence
to itself) permits the object to enter the field of political economy as a
positive value.
2. The same absolute simplification of the subject as the subject of
moral consciousness and needs permits him to enter the system of
values and practices of political economy as an abstract individual
(defined by identity, equivalence to himself).
Thus the functionality of objects, their moral code of utility, is as
entirely governed by the logic of equivalence as is their exchange value
status. Hence, functionality falls just as squarely under the
jurisdiction of political economy. And if we call this abstract
equivalence of utilities the object form, we can say that the object
form is only the completed form of the commodity form. In other
words, the same logic (and the same fetishism) plays on the two sides
of the commodity specified by Marx: use value and exchange value.
By not submitting use value to this logic of equivalence in radical
fashion, by maintaining use value as the category of "incomparability,"
Marxist analysis has contributed to the mythology (a veritable
rationalist mystique) that allows the relation of the individual to
objects conceived as use values to pass for a concrete and objective --
in sum, "natural" -- relation between man's needs and the function
proper to the object. This is all seen as the opposite of the abstract,
reified "alienated" relation the subject would have toward products
as exchange values. The truth of the subject would lie here, in usage,
as a concrete sphere of the private relation, as opposed to the social
and abstract sphere of the market.
[125]
(Marx does provide a radical
Indeed, just as exchange value is not a substantial aspect of the
product, but a form that expresses a social relation, so use value can
In substance, Marx says: "Production not only produces goods; it
produces people to consume them, and the corresponding needs."
This proposition is most often twisted in such a way as to yield
simplistic ideas like "the manipulation of needs" and denunciations
of "artificial needs."
[127]
It is necessary to grasp that what produces the
commodity system in its general form is the concept of need itself, as
constitutive of the very structure of the individual -- that is, the
historical concept of a social being who, in the rupture of symbolic
exchange, autonomizes himself and rationalizes his desire, his
relation to others and to objects, in terms of needs, utility,
satisfaction and use value.
Thus, it is not merely such and such a value that reduces symbolic
Precisely the same thing is going on here. In the correlation:
We have seen, in a first approximation, that the field of political
economy generalizes and saturates itself through the system of use
value (that is, the extension of the process of abstraction and
productive rationality to the entire domain of consumption through
the system of needs as system of values and productive forces). In this
That is a starting point. But it is necessary to see that the system of
use value is not only the double, transposition or extension of that of
exchange value. It functions simultaneously as the latter's ideological
guarantee (and once again, if this is so, it is because it is logically
structured in the same way). It is understood, of course, that it is a
naturalizing ideology we are concerned with here. Use value is given
fundamentally as the instance (i. e., tribunal) before which all men
are equal. On this view, need, leaving aside any variation in the
means of satisfying it, would be the most equally distributed thing in
the world.
[129]
Men are not equal with respect to goods taken as
exchange value, but they would be equal as regards goods taken as
use value. One may dispose of them or not, according to one's class,
income, or disposition; but the potentiality for availing oneself of
them nevertheless exists for all. Everyone is equally rich in
possibilities for happiness and satisfaction. This is the secularization
of the potential equality of all men before God: the democracy of
"needs." Thus use value, reflected back to the anthropological
sphere, reconciles in the universal those who are divided socially by
exchange value.
Exchange value erases the real labor process at the level of the
commodity, such that the latter appears as an autonomous value.
Use value fares even better: it provides the commodity, inhuman as
it is in its abstraction, with a "human" finality. In exchange value,
social labor disappears. The system of use value, on the other hand,
involves the resorption without trace of the entire ideological and
historical labor process that leads the subject in the first place to think
of himself as an individual, defined by his needs and satisfaction, and
thus ideally to integrate himself into the structure of the commodity.
Thus, without ceasing to be a system in historical and logical
solidarity with the system of exchange value, that of use value
succeeds in naturalizing the latter and offers it that universal and
atemporal guarantee without which the exchange value system
simply couldn't reproduce itself (or doubtless even be produced in its
general form).
Use value is thus the crown and scepter of political economy:
-- In its lived reality: it is the immanence of political economy in
-- In its strategic value: ideologically, it seals off the system of
production and exchange, thanks to the institution of an idealist
anthropology that screens use value and needs from their historical
logic in order to inscribe them in a formal eternity: that of utility for
objects, that of the useful appropriation of objects by man in need.
This is why use value fetishism is indeed more profound, more
"mysterious" than the fetishism of exchange value. The mystery of
exchange value and the commodity can be unmasked, relatively -- it
has been since Marx -- and raised to consciousness as a social
relation. But value in the case of use value is enveloped in total
mystery, for it is grounded anthropologically in the (self-)
"evidence" of a naturalness, in an unsurpassable original reference.
This is where we discover the real "theology" of value -- in the order
of finalities: in the "ideal" relation of equivalence, harmony,
economy and equilibrium that the concept of utility implies. It
operates at all levels: between man and nature, man and objects,
man and his body, the self and others. Value becomes absolutely self-
evident, "la chose la plus simple." Here the mystery and cunning (of
history and of reason) are at their most profound and tenacious.
If the system of use value is produced by the system of exchange
value as its own ideology -- if use value has no autonomy, if it is only
the satellite and alibi of exchange value, though systematically
combining with it in the framework of political economy -- then it is
no longer possible to posit use value as an alternative to exchange
value. Nor, therefore, is it possible to posit the "restitution" of use
value, at the end of political economy, under the sign of the
"liberation of needs" and the "administration of things" as a
revolutionary perspective.
Every revolutionary perspective today stands or falls on its ability
to reinterrogate radically the repressive, reductive, rationalizing
metaphysic of utility. All critical theory depends on the analysis of
the object form.
[130]
This has been absent from Marxist analysis. With
all the political and ideological consequences that this implies, the
result has been that all illusions converged on use value, idealized by
opposition to exchange value, when it was in fact only the latter's
naturalized form.
Marx and Crusoe
Marx says in Volume I of Capital (Part 1, Section 4): "So far as (a
commodity) is a value in use, there is nothing mysterious about it,
whether we consider it from the point of view that by its properties it
is capable of satisfying human wants, or from the point that those
properties are the product of human labor. It is as clear as noonday
that man, by his industry, changes the forms of the materials
furnished by Nature, in such a way as to make them useful to him.
"The mystical character of commodities does not originate,
therefore, in their use value.
"The categories of bourgeois economy consist of... forms of
thought expressing with social validity the conditions and relations of
a definite historically determined mode of production, viz., the
production of commodities. The whole mystery of commodities, all
the magic and necromancy that surrounds the products of labor as
long as they take the form of commodities, vanishes therefore, so
soon as we come to other forms of production.
"Since Robinson Crusoe's experiences are a favorite theme with
political economists, let us take a look at him on his island.... All
the relations between Robinson and the objects that form this wealth
of his own creation are here so simple and clear as to be intelligible
without exertion, even to Mr. Baudrillard.
[131]
And yet those relations
contain all that is essential to the determination of value."
Having quite justifiably played his joke at the expense of the
bourgeois economists and their interminable Robinsonnades, Marx
would have done well to examine his own use of the Crusoe myth. For
by opposing the obscure mysticism of commodity value to the
simplicity and transparency of Crusoe's relation to his wealth, he fell
into a trap. If one hypothesizes (as Marxists do) that all the ideology
of bourgeois political economy is summed up in the myth of
Robinson Crusoe, then it must be admitted that everything in the
novel itself agrees with the mystical theology and metaphysics of
bourgeois thought, including (and above all) this "transparency" in
man's relation to the instruments and products of his labor.
This ideal confrontation of man with his labor capacity
(Arbeitsvermögen) and with his needs is not only abstract because it is
separated out from the sphere of political economy and
commercial social relations; it is abstract in itself: not abstracted
from political economy, but abstract because it epitomizes the
abstraction of political economy itself, that is, the ascension of
exchange value via use value, the apotheosis of the economic in the
providential finality of utility.
Robinson Crusoe is the outcome of a total mutation that has been
in progress since the dawn of bourgeois society (though truly
theorized only since the 18th century). Man was transformed simultaneously
into a productive force and a "man with needs." The
manufacturers and the ideologues of Nature divided him between
themselves. In his labor, he became a use value for a system of
production. Simultaneously, goods and products became use values
for him, taking on a meaning as functions of his needs, which were
henceforth legalized as "nature." He entered the regime of use value,
which was also that of "Nature." But this was by no means according
to an original finality rediscovered: All these concepts (needs,
nature, utility) were born together, in the historical phase that saw
the systematization of both political economy and the ideology that
sanctions it.
The myth of Robinson Crusoe is the bourgeois avatar of the myth of
Terrestrial Paradise. Every great social order of production
(bourgeois or feudal) maintains an ideal myth, at once a myth of
culmination and a myth of origin. Theology supported itself on the
myth of the fulfillment of man in the Divine Law; political economy
is sustained on the great myth of human fulfillment according to the
natural law of needs. Both deal in the same finality: an ideal relation
of man to the world through his needs and the rule of Nature; and
an ideal relationship with God through faith and the divine rule of
Providence. Of course, this ideal vocation is lived from the outset as
lost or compromised. But the finality tarries, and use value,
entombed beneath exchange value, like the natural harmony of
Earthly Paradise broken by sin and suffering, remains inscribed as an
invulnerable essence to be disinterred at the last stage of History, in a
promised future redemption. The logic and ideology are the same:
under the sign of a bountiful nature, where the primitive hunting
and gathering mode of production, anterior to the feudal mode, is
highlighted, and from which serfdom and labor are made to disappear,
the myth of Earthly Paradise describes the ideality of feudal
relations (suzerainty and fealty of vassals). Likewise, the Crusoe myth
describes, in a "transparent" isolation (where the anterior mode of
agriculture and craftsmanship reappears, and the laws of the market
and exchange disappear), the ideality of bourgeois relations:
individual autonomy, to each according to his labor and his needs,
moral consciousness bound to nature -- and, if possible, some Man
Friday, some aboriginal servant. (But if Crusoe's relations to his
labor and his wealth are so "clear," as Marx insists, what on earth has
Friday got to do with this setup?)
In fact, nothing is clear about this fable. Its evidence of simplicity
and transparency is, as that of the commodity for Marx, "abounding
in metaphysical subtleties and theological niceties." There is nothing
clear and natural in the fact of "transforming nature according to
one's needs" or in "rendering oneself useful" as well as things. And
there was no need for this moral law of use value to have escaped the
critique of political economy: the whole system and its "mystery"
were already there with Robinson on his island, and in the trumped-up
immediacy of his relation to things.
Note from page [130]: 1. Marx, Capital, Vol. I. I have been unable to find this passage in the exact form
Baudrillard cites it. But see Marx's Grundrisse (New York: Vintage, 1973), for
example, at the bottom of p. 404. -- Trans.
Note from page 133: 2. By the same token, there is no fundamental difference between "productive"
consumption (direct destruction of utility during the process of production) and
consumption by persons in general. The individual and his "needs" are a produced by
the economic system like unit cells of its reproduction. We repeat that "needs" are a
social labor, a productive discipline. Neither the actual subject nor his desire is
addressed in this scheme. It follows that there is only productive consumption at this
level.
Note from page 134: 3. Consumption itself is only apparently a concrete operation (in opposition to the
abstraction of exchange). For what is consumed isn't the product itself, but its utility.
Here the economists are right: consumption is not the destruction of products, but the
destruction of utility. In the economic cycle, at any rate, it is an abstraction that is
produced or consumed as value (exchangeable in one case, useful in another). No
where is the "concrete" object or the "concrete" product concerned in the matter
(what do these terms mean, anyway?): but, rather, an abstract cycle, a value system
engaged in its own production and expanded reproduction. Nor does consumption
make sense as a destruction (of "concrete" use value). Consumption is a labor of
expanded reproduction of use value as an abstraction, a system, a universal code of
utility -- just as production is no longer in its present finality the production of
"concrete" goods, but the expanded reproduction of the exchange value system. Only
consumation (consummation) escapes recycling in the expanded reproduction of the
value system -- not because it is the destruction of substance, but because it is a
transgression of the law and finality of objects -- the abolition of their abstract
finality. Where it appears to consume (destroy) products, consumption only
consummates their utility. Consumption destroys objects as substance the better to
perpetuate this substance as a universal, abstract form -- hence, the better to
reproduce the value code. Consumation (play, gift, destruction as pure loss, symbolic
reciprocity) attacks the code itself, breaks it, deconstructs it. The symbolic act is the
destruction of the value code (exchange and use), not the destruction of objects in
themselves. Only this act can be termed "concrete," since it alone breaks
and transgresses the abstraction of value.
Note from page 135: 4. See the chapter above on The Ideological Genesis of Needs.
Note from page 136: 5. It should be pointed out that Marx's formulations in this domain (and the
anthropology that they imply) are so vague as to permit culturalist interpretations of
the type: "Needs are functions of the historical and social context." Or in its more
radical version: "Needs are produced by the system in order to assure its own
expanded reproduction" -- that is, the sort of interpretation that takes into account
only the multiple content of needs, without submitting the concept of need itself and
the system of needs as form to a radical critique. [As in Marx's Grundrisse, p.527,
where both the "culturalist" and "more radical" position are mixed. - Trans.]
Note from page 137: 6. In Toward a Critique of the Political Economy of the Sign.
Note from page 138: 7. Here Baudrillard alludes to the rationalist lineage of anthropological
substantialism. See the first paragraph of Descartes' Discourse on Method, which
Baudrillard parodies here. --Trans.
Note from page 139: 8. Critical theory must also take the sign form into account. We shall observe that
an identical logic regulates the organization of the sign in the present-day system: it
turns the signified (referent) into the satellite term, the alibi of the signifier, the play of
signifiers, and provides the latter with a reality guarantee.
Note from page 140: 9. Any resemblance to a living person is purely coincidental.
Chapter Seven Beyond Use Value
[p. 131]
here that Marxian idealism goes to work; it is here that we have to be
more logical than Marx himself -- and more radical, in the true
sense of the word. For use value -- indeed, utility itself -- is a
fetishized social relation, just like the abstract equivalence of
commodities. Use value is an abstraction. It is an abstraction of the
system of needs cloaked in the false evidence of a concrete destination
and purpose, an intrinsic finality of goods and products. It is just like
the abstraction of social labor, which is the basis for the logic of
equivalence (exchange value), hiding beneath the "innate" value of
commodities.
[p. 132]
goods are already comparable among themselves, because they are
assigned to the same rational-functional common denominator, the
same abstract determination. Only objects or categories of goods
cathected in the singular and personal act of symbolic exchange (the
gift, the present) are strictly incomparable. The personal relation
(non-economic exchange) renders them absolutely unique. On the
other hand, as a useful value, the object attains an abstract universality,
an "objectivity" (through the reduction of every symbolic
function).
[p. 133]
collective obligations of a magical or religious order, "liberated"
from his archaic, symbolic or personal ties, at last private and
autonomous, defines himself through an "objective" activity of
transforming nature -- labor -- and through the destruction of
utility for his benefit: needs, satisfactions, use value.
[p. 134]
finality is substituted for a multiplicity of meanings. And it is still the
principle of equivalence that functions here as the reducer of
symbolic ambivalence:
[p. 135]
analysis of the abstraction of the private individual as a social
relation in another connection, however.) Against all this seething
metaphysic of needs and use values, it must be said that abstraction,
reduction, rationalization and systematization are as profound and
as generalized at the level of "needs" as at the level of commodities.
Perhaps this was not yet very clear at an anterior stage of political
economy, when one could imagine that if the individual was
alienated by the system of exchange value, at least he would return to
himself, become himself again in his needs and in the moment of use
value. But it has become possible today, at the present stage of
consummative mobilization,
[126]
to see that needs, far from being
articulated around the desire or the demand of the subject, find their
coherence elsewhere: in a generalized system that is to desire what
the system of exchange value is to concrete labor, the source of value.
All the drives, symbolic relations, object relations and even
perversions -- in short, all the subject's labor of cathexis -- are
abstracted and given their general equivalent in utility and the
system of needs, as all values and real social labor find their general
equivalent in money and in coin. Everything surging from the
subject, his body and his desire, is dissociated and catalyzed in terms
of needs, more or less specified in advance by objects. All instincts
are rationalized, finalized and objectified in needs -- hence
symbolically cancelled. All ambivalence is reduced by equivalence.
And to say that the system of needs is a system of general equivalence
is no metaphor: it means that we are completely immersed in
political economy. This is why we have spoken of fetishism of use
value. If needs were the singular, concrete expression of the subject,
it would be absurd to speak of fetishism. But when needs erect
themselves more and more into an abstract system, regulated by a
principal of equivalence and general combinative, then certainly the
same fetishism is in play. For this system is not only homologous to
that of exchange value and the commodity; it expresses the latter in
all its depth and perfection.
[p. 136]
no longer be viewed as an innate function of the object, but as a
social determination (at once of the subject, the object, and their
relation). In other words, just as the logic of the commodity extends
itself indifferently to men and things and makes men (all obedient to
the same law) appear only as exchange value -- thus the restricted
finality of utility imposes itself on men as surely as on the world of
objects. It is illogical and naive to hope that, through objects
conceived in terms of exchange value, that is, in his needs, man can
fulfill himself otherwise than as use value. However, such is the
modern humanist vulgate: through the functionality, the domestic
finality of the exterior world, man is supposed to fulfill himself qua
man. The truth is something else entirely. In an environment of
commodities and exchange value, man is no more himself than he is
exchange value and commodity. Encompassed by objects that
function and serve, man is not so much himself as the most beautiful
of these functional and servile objects. It is not only Homo
oeconomicus who is turned entirely into use value during the process
of capitalist production. This utilitarian imperative even structures
the relation of the individual to himself. In the process of satisfaction,
he valorizes and makes fruitful his own potentialities for
pleasure; he "realizes" and manages, to the best of his ability, his
own "faculty" of pleasure, treated literally like a productive force.
Isn't this what all of humanist ethics is based on -- the "proper use"
of oneself?
[p. 137]
exchange, or emerges from its rupture; it is first the structural
opposition of two values: exchange value and use value, whose
logical form is the same, and whose dual organization punctuates the
economic. We are faced here at a global anthropological level with
the same schema of "semiological reduction" analyzed above in the
section on "Fetishism and Ideology." In that study, we demonstrated
the way in which this binary oppositive structuration constituted the
very matrix of ideological functioning -- from the fact that this
structuration is never purely structural: it always plays to the
advantage of one of the two terms. Structural logic always redoubles
in a strategy (thus masculine-feminine, to the profit of the former,
conscious-unconscious, to the advantage of consciousness, etc.).

use value and signified do not have the same weight as exchange
value and signifier respectively. Let us say that they have a tactical
value -- whereas exchange value and signifier have strategic value.
The system is organized along the lines of a functional but
hierarchized bipolarity. Absolute preeminence redounds to exchange
value and the signifier. Use value and needs are only an
effect of exchange value. Signified (and referent) are only an effect of
the signifier (we will return to this point later).
[128]
Neither is an
autonomous reality that either exchange value or the signifier would
express or translate in their code. At bottom, they are only
simulation models, produced by the play of exchange value and of
signifiers. They provide the latter with the guarantee of the real, the
lived, the concrete; they are the guarantee of an objective reality for
which, however, in the same moment, these systems qua systems
substitute their own total logic. (Even the term "substitute" is
misleading, in this context. It implies the existence somewhere of a
fundamental reality that the system appropriates or distorts. In fact,
there is no reality or principle of reality other than that directly
produced by the system as its ideal reference.) Use value and the
signified do not constitute an elsewhere with respect to the systems of
the other two; they are only their alibis.
[p. 138]
sense, use value appears as the completion and fulfillment of
exchange value (of political economy in general). The fetishism of
use value redoubles and deepens the fetishism of exchange value.
[p. 139]
everyday life, down to the very act in which man believes he has
rediscovered himself. He does not rediscover his objects except in
what they serve; and he does not rediscover himself except through
the expression and satisfaction of his needs -- in what he serves.
[p. 140]
[p. 141]
[p. 142]
Chapter Seven: Beyond Use Value
[p. nts]
Chapter Seven: Beyond Use Value, by Jean Baudrillard in For a Critique of the Political Economy of the Sign.
by Jean Baudrillard and translated with an introduction by Charles Levin. (Telos Press, St. Louis, MO, 1981). pp [130]-142. [Bibliographic Details] [View Documents]
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