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distinguish between the system of free market and free enterprise, and political principles like representative government, the separation of powers, constitutionality, rule of law, and so on.
This denigration of the role of political liberalism is one of the respects in which the Frankfurt School continues the tradition of orthodox Marxism and conflates, or rather reduces, political to economic structures. In this respect, Franz Neumann's work is an exception. Neumann's analysis of the inner contradictions and ambivalences of political liberalism, particularly his exposition of the contradictions between the 'rule of law' and 'sovereignty', remains one of the finest treatments of the history of liberal political thought; see F. Neumann, Die Herrschaft des Gesetzes, trans. and ed. A. Söllner, Frankfurt 1980, first submitted as a doctoral dissertation to the London School of Economics and supervised by Harold Laski under the title 'The Governance of the Rule of Law' ( 1936). See also Neumann's collection of essays, Wirtschaft, Staat und Demokratie, Frankfurt 1977. |
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| 27. |
In addition to works mentioned in the preceding note, see Franz Neumann, Behemoth: Structure and Praxis of National Socialism, London 1942; and Democratic and Authoritarian State, ed. H. Marcuse, Glencoe 1957. |
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| 28. |
After the emigration, Otto Kirchheimer was Professor of Political Science at Columbia University until 1965. His most important publications are Punishment and Social Structure, with G. Rushe ( New York 1939); Political Justice: The Use of Legal Procedure for Political Ends ( Princeton, NJ 1961); Politik und Vejyizssung ( Frankfurt 1964); Funktionen des Staates under Vejyiwsung ( Frankfurt 1972). |
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| 29. |
I am referring to the analyses in Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer, Dialektik der Aufklärung ( 1947); the 7th edition ( Frankfurt 1980) is used here; the English translation by John Cumming, Dialectic of Enlightenment ( New York 1972) is unreliable, and I will not refer to it in the text; and Max Horkheimer, The Eclipse of Reason ( 1947; New York 1974); trans. into German by A. Schmidt as Kritik der Imtrumentelkn Vernunft, Frankfurt 1974. Also included in this general discussion are Horkheimer's essays 'Die Juden und Europa'; 'Autoritarer Staat' ( 1940), English translation in Arato and Gebhardt, The Essential Frankfurt School Reader, pp. 95-118, and reprinted in Helmut Dubiel and Alfons Söllner, eds, Wirtschaft, Recht und Staat im Nationalsozialismus, Frankfurt, 1981; "'The End of Reason'", Studies in Philosophy and Social Science, 1941, pp. 366-88 (also included in Arato and Gebhardt, The Essential Frankfurt School Reader, pp. 26-49). I include Herbert Marcuse's essay 'Some Social Implications of Modern Technology' ( Studies in Philosophy and Social Science, 1941, pp. 414-39) in this general discussion as well. |
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| 30. |
While Neumann, Gurland and Kirchheimer defended the continuity of the political and economic order of National Socialism with monopoly capitalism, Pollock, along with Adorno and Horkheimer, defended the newness of the social order created by National Socialism. In his essay 'Some Social Implications of Modern Technology', Marcuse on the one hand agrees with Neumann and Gurland's continuity thesis, but on the other introduces a new concept of 'technical' or 'technological' rationality to characterize the new form of domination emerging under National Socialism; see pp. 416 ff. |
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| 31. |
'Societal rationalization' processes can be analysed at two levels: on the one hand, institutionally they initiate a process of differentiation, as a consequence of which the economy and the polity are separated and relegated to independent spheres: market and production on the one hand, the state with its administrative and judiciary bureaucracy on the other (see Max Weber, Economy and Society, trans. Günther Roth and Claus Wittich, Berkeley 1978, vol. 1, pp. 375 ff.). At the level of social action orientations, Weber analyses 'societal rationalization' via the transition in the economy, state administration, and the law from substantive to formal rationality (see Economy and Society, vol. I, pp. 85, 107, 178-80, 217-26; vol. II, pp. 666 ff., 875-89). It is this aspect of Weber's analysis which Adorno, Horkheimer and Marcuse integrate with their diagnosis of state capitalism in the 1940s. The interdependence of capitalism and bureaucratically administered political domination, oddly enough, provides them with a model to analyse Fascism and, after 1945, postwar industrial mass democracies.
By cultural rationalization' Weber means in the first place the systematization of various |
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