modern Marxists, tend to focus on the normative integration of societies, thereby departing from the emphasis on non-normative constraint central to classical social theory, in Durkheim and Weber as in Marx himself.

The main part of the book then devotes one chapter each to medieval feudalism, the early industrial capitalism of nineteenth-century Britain, and the late capitalism of post-World War IIBritain. Deploying a multitude of historiographic -- and, in the third chapter, sociological -- references, AHT affirm that DIT is an inaccurate theory. Thus, under feudalism religion was not 'a dominant ideology which had the consequence of successfully incorporating the peasantry' (p. 94 ); rather, 'a dominant religious ideology among the landowning feudal class had the consequence of helping the operation of the economic conditions of feudalism' (p. 93 ), mainly through the contribution of Catholic family morality to the regulation of inheritance in land. Early British capitalism experienced the development of a new dominant bourgeois ideology, provided by philosophic radicalism, which destroyed 'traditionalism' and its sanctioning of social and political authority by reference to natural law (p. 96 ). However, AHT emphasize as their most important point that working-class culture and ideology were all the time largely unpermeated by this dominant bourgeois ideology. In feudalism and early capitalism there was a rather clearly identifiable, though by no means completely unified, dominant ideology, which incorporated the dominant class, but the weakness of the apparatus of ideological transmission left the subordinate classes largely untouched by it. In late capitalism, however, a kind of inversion has taken place. Transmission is more effective, but the 'limited ideological unity of previous periods has collapsed' (p. 156 ). Stateinterventionist welfare capitalism, and the granting of trade-union and individual employee rights by large corporations, indicate the internal inconsistency of dominant bourgeois ideology and its limited sway across the different fractions of the dominant class. AHT conclude that 'late capitalism operates largely without ideology' and, leaning upon Max Weber's economic sociology and an expression of Marx, that 'the coherence of capitalist societies is produced by the "dull compulsion of economic relations"' (p. 165 ). 'Our position', they explain,

is that the non-normative aspect of system integration provides a basis of a society's coherence, irrespective of whether or not there are common

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