consider them in relation to the stress definition of DIT. The case of Miliband is perhaps the simplest and most straightforward of all. If AHT had been less concerned with their image as cavaliers seuls, they could have enlisted Miliband in support of their more reasonable claims. Referring to The German Ideology and to the Gramscian concept of "hegemony"', or at least some interpretations of it, Miliband has written:

What is involved is an overstatement of the ideological predominance of the 'ruling class' or of the effectiveness of that predominance. . . . It is at least as true now as it was when the words were written that 'the class which has the means of material production at its disposal has control at the same time over the means of mental production'. But it is only partially true . . . that 'thereby, generally speaking, the ideas of those who lack the means of mental production are subject to it'. The danger of this formulation, as of the notion of 'hegemony', is that it may lead to a quite inadequate account being taken of the many-sided and permanent challenge which is directed at the ideological predominance of the 'ruling class'. . . . ⁵

Finally, Poulantzas. Again we can let the accused defend himself:

To say that there is a working class in economic relations necessarily implies a specific place for this class in ideological and political relations, even if in certain countries and certain historical periods this class does not have its own 'class consciousness' or an autonomous political organization. This means that in such cases, even if it is heavily contaminated by bourgeois ideology, its economic existence is still expressed in certain specific material politico-ideological practices which burst through its bourgeois 'discourse'. . . . To understand this, of course, it is necessary to break with a whole conception of ideology as a 'system of ideas' or a coherent 'discourse', and to understand it as an ensemble of material practices. This gives the lie to all those ideologies arguing the 'integration' of the working class. . . . ⁶

The first and the third of AHT's definitions do not fit together. With the possible exceptions of Habermas and Marcuse -- both coming out of one particular tradition of Western Marxism -- the identifiable or, so to speak, actually existing DITists cannot be covered by AHT's constructed DIT. This non-fit between the identifiable definition and the construct is also apparent in the fact that part of AHT's evidence against the latter is either fully compatible with, or a direct corroboration of, propositions advanced by identifiable DITists. A brief list of illustrations will suffice -- indeed, it could not be made much longer,

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